5.31.2007

Last of US Surge Forces Arrive in Iraq



30 May 2007

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Iraqi boy takes cover behind US soldier after gunshots ring out in busy central Baghdad commercial district, 28 May 2007
The U.S. military says all 20,000 additional combat troops President Bush ordered to Iraq in January have now arrived, with the last unit set to be fully operational in a couple of weeks. VOA's Al Pessin reports from the Pentagon officials say the increased tempo of U.S. military operations in Iraq is responsible for some progress toward establishing security in Baghdad, but also for the high U.S. death toll this month.

As of late Wednesday, the Pentagon reports that 115 U.S. troops have been killed so far in Iraq in May, with one more day left to go, making the month one of the deadliest of the war for U.S. forces. "It's been a tough month," said Brigadier General Perry Wiggins.

At a Pentagon news conference, General Wiggins said the greater risks of the new Baghdad Security Plan were known in advance, and he said the increased presence of U.S. troops in the city's neighborhoods is creating progress, as well as casualties. "We're moving into places where we haven't been, not necessarily (ever) before but we haven't been and stayed with the frequency that we're staying in these areas now. And there are some areas where, in the past, the enemy elected to just move on out, wait until we departed and come back in. In this particular case, they're finding that harder to do," he said.

General Wiggins said commanders are "starting to see a shift of momentum" with more support from ordinary Iraqis and a 50 percent decrease in insurgent attacks in western al-Anbar Province. But he also acknowledged what he called a slight increase in attacks in Baghdad. He could not immediately provide specific figures for either location, but the general said insurgents continue to be able to carry out dramatic, large-scale bombing attacks, and also to hit U.S. and Iraqi targets with smaller bombs.

The general charged that Iranian operatives are providing technology and training to some Iraqi insurgents, and that some of the training is done by the elite Iranian Quds Force inside Iraq. But he said the U.S. military still has not determined which, if any, senior Iranian officials are behind the effort.

Iran's Crackdown on Visiting Iranian-Americans Raises More Questions About Tehran's Agenda



30 May 2007

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The news that a fourth Iranian-American may have been arrested in Iran for alleged espionage has heightened questions about the Tehran government's seemingly contradictory behavior. Iranian and U.S. officials have just completed their first publicly acknowledged high-level meeting to discuss stabilizing Iraq. As VOA correspondent Gary Thomas reports, the arrests may be a sign of divisions within Iran's leadership.

Haleh Esfandiari, Director of the Middle East program at the Woodrow Wilson Center
The crackdown on Iranian-Americans visiting their native land is both puzzling and ominous to Western-based analysts of the Iranian political landscape.

Karim Sadjapour was living and working in Tehran for the International Crisis Group until recently. He says the atmosphere there has changed markedly in recent months.

"The mood in Iran in terms of the crackdown on political speech and societal openness is as bad as it's been since the early days of the revolution," he said.

The government has accused at least three visiting Iranian-Americans of espionage, including Haleh Esfandiari, director of the Middle East program at the non-governmental Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars in Washington. Also charged are Kian Tajbakhsh, an urban planning consultant with George Soros' Open Society Institute, and Parnaz Azima, a journalist with the U.S. government-funded Radio Farda.

U.S. officials have emphatically denied that they were engaged in any espionage activity, with White House spokesman Tony Snow Wednesday labeling the allegations "preposterous."

Esfandiari's husband, Shaul Bakhash, who teaches modern Middle Eastern and Iranian history at George Mason University, says he is as perplexed as anyone else about the matter.

"After all, my wife, as the director of the Middle East Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center, has merely organized conferences, meetings, and talks," he said. "She has brought Iranians, respected Iranian academics and scholars and analysts, to the Wilson Center. The Iranian government does exactly the same thing in reverse. Its own research centers invite scholars and academics and the like from the United States, from Europe, from others, to conferences in Iran."

However, some American scholars planning to visit Iran recently for such a conference found their visas suddenly revoked.

Bill Samii, an Iran specialist at the Center for Naval Analysis, says U.S.-Iran talks on Iraq and the crackdown in Tehran underscore divisions within the secretive circle of Iran's leadership.

"We always get back to this argument about this sort of bifurcated nature of the Iranian governmental system in which you have various factions and various leaderships or various centers of power pursuing different agendas," he said. "And I think that that's what we're seeing in this case."

Karim Sadjapour, now with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says there is what he calls "schizophrenia" in Iran's ruling circles. He says there are entrenched hardline elements who have vested political and financial interests in maintaining the hostile relationship between Iran and the West.

"So any time you see a movement toward a dialogue with the U.S. or a warming of ties between Iran and the West, you have these hardline elements that aim to scuttle this dialogue," he explained. "So this is why we may see these things simultaneously: at the same time the Iranian government is talking to the U.S. about Iraq, you see the hardliners behind the imprisonment of people like Haleh and Kian to try to torpedo these talks from going forward."

Sadjapour adds that he is sad that it is now too dangerous for him, as an Iranian-American, to go back to Iran. But he says he now has to be less circumspect in his analysis of Iranian affairs.

"I've resigned myself to the fact that Iran is no longer a safe place to live and work for those of us who are dual nationals and those of us who work on issues of U.S.-Iran relations and Iranian internal politics," he added. "And in some ways, it's liberating to know that I can't go back. I feel upset that I am unable to go back. I still have family. But in some ways we can be more honest in our analysis because we have to, I think, be very clear in pointing out that the behavior of the Iranian government, and at this moment, is simply unacceptable."

It is not clear when, or even if, any of the accused will face trial. Bill Samii points out that espionage cases are held before Revolutionary Courts, which have great flexibility and discretion.

Advocates Debate Rise in Fees for US Residency, Citizenship



30 May 2007

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President Bush says a primary goal of immigration reform is to bring millions of illegal aliens "out of the shadows" and provide a path to legal residency and eventual U.S. citizenship. But while the president champions such reform, the United States is set to implement the largest-ever boost in fees charged to those applying for residency and citizenship. VOA's Michael Bowman reports from Washington, advocates for immigrants say the administration is sending mixed messages to an often fearful and vulnerable community.

Russian immigrant Sveta Nikitina poses with her immigration papers at her home in Mill Valley, California (February 2007 photo)
For newcomers, both legal and undocumented, the cost of pursuing the American dream is about to go up. The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service is doubling, and in some cases tripling, its fees. Beginning July 30, the charge for adults seeking residency will exceed $1,000; the fee for citizenship will be nearly $600.

Some say the higher fees undermine President Bush's stated goals on immigration.

"To come up with $1,000 per family member to obtain permanent residence - it is going to keep a lot of people in the shadows for a very long time," says Crystal Williams, a deputy director at the American Immigration Lawyers Association.

Williams says the new fees constitute an enormous financial hurdle that will force countless poorer immigrants to delay applications - and may lead some to give up entirely.

But officials at the Citizenship and Immigration Service point out that the agency receives no federal funds to process applications. Costs are covered entirely by fees charged. They say unless those fees reflect actual costs, services would have to be cut back and waiting times for applicants would increase.

"We realize that anytime we increase the fees that there is a burden there," says USCIS spokesman Chris Bentley. "There is pain that is caused along the way. However, to be able to remain a world class service provider, to be able to get the services and benefits in a timely manner to the people who deserve them, we simply need the resources to be able to make that happen."

Bentley adds that refugees and asylum-seekers will remain exempt from charge, and some fees can be reduced for residency and citizenship applicants facing dire economic hardship.

But if USCIS is constrained by its dependence on fees for operating costs, then it is time to change the system, according to Donald Kerwin of the Catholic Legal Immigration Network.

"Citizenship is a national good. It is important for our country. And so we think that to fix the system, to reduce backlogs and improve technology, there needs to be appropriated monies [federal funds] for this. It needs to go beyond the fee-based system," he said.

Some in Congress counter that it would be wrong to shift the financial burden to U.S. taxpayers. Republican Congressman Steve King of Iowa says the new fees are still far lower than what illegal immigrants typically pay smugglers to cross the U.S.-Mexico border.

"We are seeing coyote [smuggler] fees go up to $1,500 to $2,500 per person," he said. "I do not see any fees levied by USCIS that were that high. So if it is cheaper to have access to becoming a citizen than it is to be transported [illegally] to the United States, then, no, I do not think those fees are too high by comparison."

Immigration officials also defend the fee system, saying it provides spending flexibility, since revenues go up in proportion to any rise in applications. They say previous fee hikes have not resulted in drastic reductions in applications for residency or citizenship.

Immigrant advocates counter that the current fee hike is far greater than any previous increase. They also note studies showing the percentage of eligible immigrants applying for U.S. citizenship dropping in recent decades. Opinions vary as to the cause, but immigrant advocates say making it more expensive for immigrants to pursue legal status or citizenship can only serve as a further deterrent.

VOASE0530_Education Report

30 May 2007
How Foreign Citizens Become Doctors in the US

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This is the VOA Special English Education Report.

We continue our Foreign Student Series this week with a question from a doctor at a hospital in Vietnam. Tran Kinh Thanh in Ho Chi Minh City asks how a foreign doctor can become an American doctor.


One way is to complete a medical residency in the United States. A residency is a period of hospital training for medical school graduates.

To be accepted, foreign-trained doctors need approval from the Educational Commission for Foreign Medical Graduates. The process involves passing several tests. After that, foreign doctors can receive a visa to stay in the United States, at least for the training period.

Practicing medicine in the United States also involves other steps.

But the first thing that foreign-trained doctors have to do is make sure they attended a recognized medical school. It has to be listed in the FAIMER International Medical Education Directory. FAIMER is the Foundation for Advancement of International Medical Education and Research.

If their school is not listed, then foreign-trained doctors cannot be approved for a residency. One solution is to go back to medical school -- an American medical school.

One hundred twenty-five schools in the United States belong to the Association of American Medical Colleges. The group says more than one thousand one hundred foreign citizens applied for the current school year. One-fourth of them were admitted last fall.

Almost all medical schools in the United States require applicants to report scores from the Medical College Admission Test.

Future doctors in the United States traditionally complete four years of medical school after undergraduate school. Then, as residents, they treat patients under the supervision of experienced doctors. A residency is generally between three and seven years. The first year is called an internship.

The Association of American Medical Colleges publishes a book called Medical School Admissions Requirements. The newest one is for two thousand eight-two thousand nine. The guide has details about every school as well as information for foreign students.

The book costs twenty-five dollars and can be ordered through the association's Web site.

For a link to that site, go to voaspecialenglish.com. You can also find all of the earlier reports in our Foreign Student Series on higher education in the United States.

And that's the VOA Special English Education Report, written by Nancy Steinbach. I'm Bob Doughty.

VOASE0530_The Making of a Nation

30 May 2007
US History: Ford Leads Nation Through Difficult Days of Watergate

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VOICE ONE:

This is Mary Tillotson.

VOICE TWO:

And this is Steve Ember with THE MAKING OF A NATION -- a VOA Special English program about the history of the United States.

(MUSIC)

Gerald Ford is sworn-in by Chief Justice Warren Burger. At center is Ford's wife, Betty.
Today, we tell about the administration of the thirty-eighth president of the United States, Gerald Ford.

VOICE ONE:

Gerald Ford was sworn-in as president on August ninth, nineteen seventy-four. The day before, President Richard Nixon had announced that he would resign.

If he had not resigned, he probably would have been removed from office. A Congressional investigation had found evidence that Nixon violated the Constitutional rights of the American people during the Watergate case.

The new president spoke about Watergate, and what it meant to America, on the day he was sworn-in.

FORD: "Our long national nightmare is over. Our Constitution works. Our great republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here the people rule. ... As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate -- more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars -- let us restore the 'Golden Rule' to our political process and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate."

VOICE TWO:

Gerald Ford became the only president in American history to serve as vice president and president without being elected.

Richard Nixon nominated him for vice president in October, nineteen seventy-three. That was when Nixon's vice president, Spiro Agnew, resigned. When Nixon himself resigned, Ford became president.

Ford was a long-time Congressman from the state of Michigan. He was well-liked. He had been a good student and a good athlete. He studied economics and political science at the University of Michigan. The he studied law at Yale University. During World War Two, he served as a Navy officer in the Pacific battle area.

VOICE ONE:

After the war, Ford entered politics. He was a member of the Republican Party. He was first elected to Congress in nineteen forty-eight. He won re-election twelve times. Other Republican members of the House of Representatives elected him minority leader during the presidential administration of Democrat Lyndon Johnson.

Ford was still minority leader when Republican Richard Nixon was elected president in nineteen sixty-eight. In his leadership position, he helped win approval of a number of Nixon's proposals. He became known for his strong loyalty to the president. It was no surprise, then, that Nixon named Ford vice president.

VOICE TWO:

Gerald Ford became president suddenly. Almost as suddenly, he had to decide what to do about former President Nixon. After Nixon left office, he could have been charged with crimes for his part in the Watergate case. Instead, one month after Nixon resigned, President Ford settled the question. He pardoned Nixon of any crimes for which he might have been responsible.

Announcing his pardon of Richard Nixon
The pardon made many Americans angry. Some believed Nixon should have been put on trial. They thought he might have answered more questions about Watergate if he had not been pardoned.

The new president did what he thought was right. He said he pardoned Nixon to end divisions in the country. For a while, however, his action seemed to increase the divisions.

VOICE ONE:

Anger about the pardon was still strong when President Ford took another highly disputed action. He pardoned the men who illegally escaped military service in the Vietnam War. Most were not sent to prison. Instead, they were permitted to perform work for their communities. Many of the men did not accept the president's offer, however. They remained in hiding in the United States. Or they remained in other countries where they had fled.

President Ford received much better public support when he asked Congress to control and limit the activities of the nation's intelligence agencies. He hoped this would prevent future administrations from interfering with the Constitutional rights of citizens.

VOICE TWO:

Other problems also caused trouble for President Ford. As vice president, he had described inflation as America's 'public enemy number one'. He proposed several measures to fight it. As president, he was forced to cancel some of these measures because there was an economic recession.

During the recession, inflation decreased. But fewer Americans had jobs. Unemployment in nineteen seventy-five was at its highest rate since the great economic depression of the nineteen thirties.

VOICE ONE:

In foreign policy, Ford usually took the advice of Henry Kissinger. Kissinger served as President Nixon's assistant for national security and as secretary of state. He kept those jobs under President Ford.

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
Kissinger won much praise for his service to Richard Nixon. Yet he received much criticism, too. He was accused of interfering with civil liberties in the name of national security. And he was accused of supporting the overthrow of the leftist government of Salvador Allende in Chile.

Still, President Ford was pleased that Kissinger would remain in the administration. Even Kissinger's worst critics admitted that he was excellent negotiator.

VOICE TWO:

At the time Ford became president, America's situation in the world was generally hopeful. Former President Nixon and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev had signed two agreements to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. Also, relations with China were less tense than before.

However, American policy in parts of Southeast Asia had failed completely.

VOICE ONE:

American involvement in the Vietnam war officially ended the year before Ford became president. But fighting continued between South Vietnam and communist forces from North Vietnam. The peace agreement signed by the United States and North Vietnam in nineteen seventy-three left South Vietnam to defend itself. By nineteen seventy-five, it became clear that South Vietnamese forces were in danger of defeat.

President Ford tried to prevent a total communist take-over of the south. He asked Congress to approve seven hundred-million dollars in military aid for South Vietnam. The American people, however, were tired of paying for the war. Their representatives in Congress said no.

VOICE TWO:

What happened in Vietnam was like a bad dream. Communist forces moved into Saigon, capital of the south. Ford ordered the rescue of American citizens and of Vietnamese who had supported American efforts. Few who saw people trying to escape Saigon will ever forget the day.

It was April thirtieth, nineteen seventy-five. Terrified Vietnamese were screaming for help at the American embassy. Everyone was pushing, trying to escape. Some who reached the embassy's roof passed their children forward. At least, they hoped, they could get the children to safety on American military helicopters. Others held on to the helicopters from the outside as the overloaded aircraft tried to take off.

(MUSIC)

VOICE ONE:

The Ford administration also faced trouble in the Middle East. Israel and an alliance of Arab nations had fought two wars in about ten years. After the war of nineteen seventy-three, Henry Kissinger led negotiations to settle some issues.

Israel agreed to give up some of the territory it had seized during the fighting. In return, the United States made a promise. It would not recognize or deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization as long as the P-L-O failed to meet certain conditions. In September, nineteen seventy-five, Israel and Egypt signed a ceasefire agreement. They also agreed to permit American civilians to act as observers along the ceasefire lines.

Henry Kissinger received widespread praise for his peacemaking efforts. Yet the situation in the Middle East remained tense.

VOICE TWO:

The Ford administration could not fix all the problems of the world. Still, as the presidential election campaign of nineteen-seventy-six began, things seemed better. The United States was not fighting any wars. Unemployment was high. But inflation had improved a little. Most important, Gerald Ford had led the country through the difficult days after Watergate.

The election will be our story next time.

(MUSIC)

VOICE ONE:

This program of THE MAKING OF A NATION was written by Jeri Watson and produced by Cynthia Kirk. This is Mary Tillotson.

VOICE TWO:

And this is Steve Ember. Join us again next week for another VOA Special English program about the history of the United States.

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Editor's Note: Gerald Ford died December 26, 2006, at his home in Rancho Mirage, California, at the age of 93.